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Wednesday, August 20, 2025

 

Balancing Development and Conservation: The Legal Dilemmas of the East Kolkata Wetlands

ABSTRACT

The East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW), located on the eastern fringes of Kolkata city, bordering the Salt Lake township on the one hand and the new township at Rajarhat on the other, forms one of the largest assemblages of sewage-fed fish ponds. This research examines the different legal dilemmas related to the East Calcutta Wetlands. The unique feature of the EKW is sewage treatment through pisciculture. West Bengal's The East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Act 2006 represents an essential landmark for establishing an appropriate institutional regime for managing the Wetlands. Researchers opine that East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority is dominated by upper-caste politicians and bureaucrats engendering inequity, and the real estate-politician lobby continues to creep into wetlands areas through this skewed power structure. Since 1950, vast acres of the wetland area have been encroached upon with the ever-increasing population, industrialisation, modernisation, and need for residential spaces. The Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) area generates roughly 910 million litres of sewage daily, and urbanisation increased the flow of untreated sewage, solid waste, and pollutants into the wetlands. These pollutants degrade water quality and reduce the wetlands' capacity to act as a natural purifier for the city. Thus, the EKW is at risk of losing its essential ecological functions. The widely cited judgement of Public v State of West Bengal halted the State's reclamation of the East Kolkata Wetland. The State has led urbanisation in the salt lake, and the landowners of the East Kolkata Wetlands also aspire for speculative growth in their area. Conservation should address sociological issues. The present-day Government should strive to solve the dilemmas of the East Kolkata Wetlands and balance development and conservation.

Introduction

Justice Umesh Chandra Banerjee, in his landmark judgement in the case of People United for Better Living in Calcutta (Public) Versus the State of West Bengal, where the State wanted to reclaim 900 acres of the East Calcutta Wetlands said, 'There should be a proper balance between the protection of the environment and the development process: The society shall have to prosper, but not at the cost of the environment and in the similar vein, the environment shall have to be protected but not at the cost of the development of the society-there shall have to be both development and proper environment and as such, a balance has to be found out and administrative actions ought to proceed in accordance therewith and not d’hors the same. Justice Banerjee also said, 'Wetlands, being a bounty of nature, have a significant role in the proper development of society, whether from an environmental or an economic perspective. Pollution wise this metropolitan city of Calcutta tops the list in the country-can we in this city further endanger the environment by reclaiming the nature’s gift to humanity when, in fact, such a reclamation is only for expansion of the satellite township on the Eastern fringe of the city of Calcutta’.

Wetlands are areas where water is the primary factor controlling the environment and the associated plant and animal life. They occur where the water table is at or near the land's surface or where water covers the land.

The Ramsar Convention takes a broad approach to determining the wetlands under its aegis. Under the text of the Convention (Article 1.1), wetlands are defined as: ‘areas of marsh, fen, peatland or water, whether natural or artificial, permanent or temporary, with water that is static or flowing, fresh, brackish or salt, including areas of marine water the depth of which at low tide does not exceed six metres’.[1]

India officially accepted the Ramsar convention on February 1st, 1982, to safeguard and prevent harm to Ramsar Sites. As of February 2023, there are 75 Ramsar Sites in India, collectively spanning an area of 1,326,677 hectares under the List of Wetlands of International Importance.[2]

The East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW), located on the eastern fringes of Kolkata city, bordering the Salt Lake township on the one hand and the new township at Rajarhat on the other, forms one of the largest assemblages of sewage-fed fish ponds.

 

East Kolkata Wetlands are between 22°27'00"N and 88°27'00"E; they cover an area of 12,500 hectares (Ha). They comprise nearly 254 sewage-fed fisheries distributed across the South and North 24 Parganas districts, covering 37 Mouzas (30 full and 7 part). Besides, small agricultural plots, solid waste farms, and some built-up areas exist.[3]Considering its ecological and social significance, UNESCO designated the EKW area as of international importance in 2002 by adding it to the Ramsar list.[4] This research examines the different legal dilemmas related to the East Calcutta Wetlands.

 

The Dilemma Regarding Legislation

Kaushik Biswas says that when the Indian Constitution was adopted, the lawmakers did not include provisions related to the environment. The environment subject entered the Constitution through Article 48A and Article 51A(g) because of the Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act, 1976.

Article 48A states, ' The State shall endeavour to protect and improve the environment and safeguard the country's forests and wildlife”. Article 51A(g) holds that ‘it shall be the duty of every citizen of India to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wildlife and to have compassion for living creatures.’

The Indian Constitution has separate lists of the subject matters on which the Centre and the State can legislate. The seventh Schedule of the Constitution mentions these lists. List I mentions the subject matters of the Union, List II mentions the subject matters of the State, and List III is a Concurrent List of subjects on which both the Union and the States can legislate. There is no mention of Wetlands in any list.

The State List comprises public health and sanitation, water supply, agriculture, irrigation, and drainage. The Union List does not mention the term ‘environment.’ Article 248 of the Indian Constitution gives the Indian Parliament exclusive power to legislate on any subject matter not enumerated in the State or concurrent list. Since the State List contains issues like water supply, irrigation and drainage, and fisheries, the States have exclusive power to legislate on wetlands.

The Indian Constitution has Directive Principles of State Policy, enshrined in articles 37-51 in part IV. These Directive Principles are ideals meant to be considered by the State when it formulates policies and enacts laws, but they are not justifiable. According to Article 51C of the Indian Constitution, the State shall endeavour to ‘foster respect for International Law and Treaty obligations in the dealings of organised people with one another.’

As per Article 253, 'Parliament has the power to make any law for the whole or any part of the territory of India for implementing any treaty, agreement or convention with any other country or countries or any decision made at any international conference, association or other body.’ Article 51(c) mandates that the State foster respect for international law and treaty obligations. These two Articles, therefore, legitimise the Parliament to pry open List II and enact laws on any entries contained in it, provided it is necessary to implement the treaty obligations of India. Two significant and vital Indian environmental laws, namely, The Air [Prevention and Control of Pollution] Act of 1981 and The Environmental [Protection] Act of 1986, have been enacted under these Constitutional provisions. These laws derive their authority from the decisions reached at the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment held in Stockholm in 1972. Similarly, the Indian Parliament passed the National Environmental Tribunal Act of 1995, the National Environment Appellate Authorities Act of 1997 and the Biodiversity Act of 2002 because of the Rio Summit of 1992. [5]

Despite being a signatory of the Ramsar Convention, India could not enact any law to protect wetlands because of the constraints under the Constitution. However, Article 51(C), read with 253, empowers the Central Government to legislate on implementing international obligations and decisions in international treaties and associations. Once the Union is obliged under international law, the global law also binds the states. So, it becomes the duty of every State to enact appropriate legislation to protect wetlands in their respective States.

Until the last decade, India had no legal framework for conserving, managing, and using wetlands wisely. The Government proclaimed the Wetland (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2010, as the first regulatory framework dedicated to wetland conservation and management, notifying it under Section 25, read with Section 3 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986. the rules were defective as there were No comprehensive suggestions or recommendations to protect wetlands. The rule attempted to bring the country's wetland resources under official control. To achieve this, the Government proposed to constitute central and state-level wetland regulatory authorities comprising government officials. The Rules did not mention the importance of maintaining the livelihoods of people with low incomes, nor did it discuss the effect of wetlands degradation on the poor and vulnerable.

The Government did not re-constitute Central Wetlands Regulatory Authority (CWRA) after March 31st 2015. New Wetland Rules replaced old rules in 2017. Both the 2010 and 2017 Wetland Rules made it clear that the conservation of wetlands should be maintained by keeping their ecological character. 'Ecological character' refers to the processes and components that make a particular wetland a unique ecosystem. Environment Activists criticised the new rules for removing strong wetland monitoring systems and omitting some essential types of wetlands from the list of water bodies to be protected and for eliminating the provision for appeal to the National Green Tribunal.[6]

The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) has notified Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017, under the provisions of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986, as the regulatory framework for the conservation and management of wetlands in India. These rules are pivotal to conserving, managing, and maintaining the wetlands' ecological character without restricting their wise use. These rules fortify the legal framework for environmental concerns and strengthen the institutional framework through State / UT Wetland Authorities and a National Wetland Committee.

Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules 2017 have enhanced the focus of wetlands management from a central authority to state bodies. The rules provide an advisory role for the National Wetland Committee to guide the state bodies on the integrated management of wetlands based on the wise‐use principle and review the progress of the integrated management of Ramsar Convention sites.[7]

Besides Wetlands Rules, 2010 & 2017, now, the conservation and management of wetlands is being ensured by the following legal instruments: Legislations: Indian Forest Act, 1927; Forest (Conservation) Act, 1980; Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972; Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974; Water Cess Act, 1977, 1991 & 2003; Environment (Protection) Act, 1986; and Biological Diversity Act, 2002. Policies: National Plan for Conservation of Aquatic Ecosystems, 2015 (Formulated in 2015 by merging the National Wetland Conservation Programme and the National Lake Conservation Plan); National Water Policy, 2002; and National Environmental Policy, 2006. Plans: National Biodiversity Action Plan.[8]

The East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservationand Management) Act, 2006: The Dilemma of Missing Local Voices.

West Bengal’s The East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Act 2006 represents an essential landmark for establishing an appropriate institutional regime for managing the Wetlands. The Act took explicit cognisance of EKW as a Wetland of International Importance and its various ecosystem services, including regulation of water regime, a mechanism for wastewater treatment, as a source for underground water recharging and other socio-cultural values.

The Act also recognised the immense pressure of urbanisation on the wetland and the need to prevent its conversion to alternate uses. The Act defined the land use within the wetland as per revenue records, identifying each land parcel to be substantially water-dominated, under agriculture or settlement. The Act banned further diminution of the wetland area, change in its (ecological) character, and land use. It paved the way for establishing the East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority. The authority has to work for the conservation and management of the wetlands by the demarcation of the wetland boundaries, enforcing land use control, preventing any unauthorised development, undertaking measures to abate pollution, promoting research and promoting conservation principles – like sewage-fed fisheries and ecotourism.

The Act also outlines how people living within the wetland area can apply for permission to undertake any land use change. It also lays down exemplary punishments for not complying with the Act's provisions, which include imprisonment of up to three years, a fine of up to Rupees One Lakh (Rupees One Hundred Thousand), or both. An additional fine of Rs. 5,000 a day is prescribed for every day such failure or contravention continues after the first conviction. The violation of the Act is a cognisable and non-bailable offence.

The authority structure includes the representation of all line departments and organisations. The Chief Secretary to the Government of West Bengal is the Chairman of the Authority, and the Secretary of the Department of Environment (Government of West Bengal) is its Member Secretary. The other members include: - Secretaries of the state government departments of urban development, irrigation and waterways, fisheries, forests, municipal affairs, land and land reforms, panchayat and rural development;- Chairman and Member Secretary, West Bengal Pollution Control Board - Chief Executive Officer, Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority - Commissioner, Kolkata Municipal Corporation - District Magistrates of the 24 Parganas (North and South) - Representative of Institute of Environmental Studies and Wetland Management - Two nominated representatives of nongovernment organisations - One representative of fishermen cooperative societies. The Chief Technical Officer heads the office of authority and oversees day-to-day affairs and functioning.[9]

The bare Act directs fourteen out of seventeen offices within the management authority to be solely occupied by government officials, politicians and bureaucrats but dedicates only one out of the remaining three positions to a representative of the fishermen cooperatives upon nomination by the state government. The remaining two office-bearers, representatives of non-governmental institutions with expertise in wetland conservation and management, will also be decided through state government nomination. There needs to be more representation of other informal sector workers engaged in livelihoods situated within the wetlands ecosystem, such as waste collectors and workers involved in waste recycling, apart from sewage agriculturists.[10]

This move to minimise the substantive representation of marginalised communities, or rather the primary stakeholders, in the institutional decision-making process itself underscores how the socially dominant upper-caste politicians and bureaucrats engender inequity. The real estate-politician lobby, which continues to creep into wetlands areas, is encouraged through this skewed power structure in the wetlands management authority, which prohibits adequate transparency and accountability of these institutions to the communities they are supposed to serve.[11] 

 Section 7 of the Act mentions that the vacancy of any of the offices within the management authority cannot be a valid reason to delegitimise or even question the decisions taken by the management authority, which implies that despite the law initially commanding (tokenistic) representation of affected fishing communities within the policymaking institution, it also adds an escape clause by not making the former directive adequately binding.[12]

Urban Expansion versus Environmental conservation: a growing dilemma

Kolkata was the first significant city developed by the British East India Company in the early 1700s. The East India Company built their first fortified construction, Fort William, to protect them from the other colonial aspirants. Around this fortified structure, the city of Kolkata grew and nurtured itself. It was a garrison town first, then the Company’stown, next a provincial city, and later the headquarters of the British India government. It stimulated significant growth in size over the years. The Kolkatamegalopolis began with a population of 100,000 in 1735 and grew to 15 million (KMDA Report 2005), reflecting largely uncontrolled growth over the past 300 years.[13]

 Kolkata was not a planned city. It grew randomly around the port, the old fort and the ancient Barabazar market by the river. The city's growth was maximum to the east of the Hooghly River and was unhurried until 1947. After that, there was a population explosion due to refugees from East Pakistan. The influx had started before independence, as some people were aware of the possiblepartition of the country. The census data for 1931– 1941  supports this fact, showing an increase in Kolkata's population by 77 per cent. The population increase enhanced after India’s independence. There was a three-fold increase in the city area around the time of Indian independence.[14]With the emergence of industrialisation, transportation networks developed that connected Kolkata with different parts of India. This transportation network resulted in the development of commuting, which also became a factor behind Kolkata's expansion.

Kolkata grew alongside the river Hooghly until the middle of the 20th century. The initial settlements in the town were on the flood-safe levees along the river bank, and the city grew north and south along the river. Areas to the east and southeast were, until the 1940s, shown in maps to be marshes and water bodies. Wetlands in the east and southeast were converted for the Salt Lake Reclamation Scheme in 1956, forming new townships of Salt Lake in the 1970s. In other words, the wetlands and water bodies in the eastern and southeastern fringes, which were not tapped into during the initial period of the city's growth, have now become seen as a frontier that can be exploited for the access they would give to the land.[15]

With the increase in population over the years, the second plan of the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority aimed to develop a satellite township in the eastern fringe of Kolkata, resulting in the Rajarhat Newtown project in the east part of Kolkata. Kolkata and Rajarhat Newtown, two big industrialised centres, are juxtaposed with the East Kolkata Wetland between them. Eastern Metropolitan Bypass and flyovers made the wetland area accessible.

Kolkata surrounds East Kolkata Wetland to the west, Salt Lake to the northwest, and Rajarhat Newtown to the northeast. The Authorities created the East Kolkata Township and Patuli Township in eastern Kolkata. Since 1950, vast acres of the wetland area have been encroached upon with the ever-increasing population, industrialisation, modernisation, and need for residential spaces.

 Research findings on temporal change in the east Kolkata wetlands from 1991 to 2021 showa rapid increase in the built-up areas from 6% in 1991 to 20% in 2021. the northwestern part of the East Kolkata wetland and the satellite township Newtown Rajarhat show the most significant conversion to built-up areas. Industrialisation and modernisation in the Kolkata and Newtown area increased the chances of real estate business in the east Kolkata wetland. There has been a deterioration of fisheries in the last 30 years. Fisheries have decreased from 29% to 16%. Selling aquaculture ponds and converting them to the built-up area is the main reason behind the deterioration. This temporal change happened despite the Kolkata Metropolitan agency, the chief planning and development agency for the KMDA region, designating East Kolkata Wetlands as a 'No Development Zone'.

With the increase in population over the decades, the number of urban landfills has increased. Kolkata Municipal Corporation uses the East Kolkata Wetland as a dumping ground for urban waste. With the rich soil fertility, organic farming is practised here in the DhapaManpur region of East Kolkata Wetland. The real estate business is one of the main reasons behind the changing pattern of land use, loss and deterioration of wetlands. Ramsar convention in 2002 designated 12500 acres of wetland area under protection. Land use changes decreased after the designation, as the authorities enacted many laws to preserve the valuable services provided by the wetlands, but the illegal encroachments persisted. Metro railways, concrete roads, and residential complexes all led to a decrease in aquaculture farms and open lands. Rural livelihoods in the east Kolkata wetland suffer a lot.[16]

A range of factors is responsible for the degradation of the EKW, including the area’s rapid, haphazard, and unplanned urbanisation and associated infrastructure development. Real estate housing companies, government organisations, and related urban development promoters are encroaching on the area, posing a significant threat to the wetland. The high concentration of urban infrastructure in the Bidhannagar Municipality has created additional problems related to water quality deterioration, aquatic pollution, eutrophication, and wetland degradation.[17]

The Dilemma of Right to Shelter Versus Environment Conservation.

Homelessness has been a primary global concern for many decades. Kolkata, the largest megacity of eastern India, attracts an exodus of rural people from its extensive peripheral region. According to the 2011 census report, West Bengal (134,040) ranked seventh in India, and Kolkata (69,798) ranked first in the district-wise distribution of the homeless population.[18]

Though not expressly mentioned in the Indian Constitution, judicial pronouncements guaranteed the Right to Shelter by extending the purview of Articles 19 and 21.[19] The landmark judgements Olga Tellis v. Bombay Municipal Corporation, Shantistar Builders v. Narayan Khimalal Totame, The State of Karnataka v. Narasimhamurthy, and Rajesh Yadav v. State of Uttar Pradesh helped establish the Right to Shelter as a Fundamental Right.

The population explosion in Kolkata due to refugees and the influx of migrants due to urbanisation and economic opportunities increased the demand for housing. The Right to Shelter has become a significant threat to the EKW, putting immense pressure on this unique ecosystem. Increased construction activities and residential, commercial, and industrial expansion intruded into the wetland regions.

Sayantan Das has documented the extent of land use changes in the EKW using satellite imagery. It highlights the transformation of land use in the East Kolkata Wetlands region from 1989 to 2022, primarily driven by urban expansion. In 1989, there was a significant presence of water bodies and farmland, with minimal built-up areas, indicating a relatively less-encroached landscape with a substantial amount of natural or agricultural land cover. By 2001, built-up areas significantly increased, suggesting urbanisation. Farmland and water bodies are still dominant but have started to decrease in certain areas due to the encroachment of urban areas. In 2015, the built-up area expanded further, especially over farmland and fallow regions, demonstrating ongoing urbanisation and transforming cropland and fallow land for development. By 2022, built-up areas dominate the landscape, with only a limited amount of farmland and water bodies remaining. Over time, natural water bodies, farmland, and fallow land have diminished, giving way to built-up, urbanised zones.

Sayantan Das's findings establish that the proportion of water bodies has decreased over time (32% in 1989 to 21.2% in 2022). Farmland areas also experienced a decrease (23.2% in 1989, peaking at 26.4% in 2001, then dropping to 19.8% in 2022); this indicates that agricultural areas have recently transformed into built-up regions. Fallow regions show a similar decreasing trend (36.8% in 1989, down to 22% in 2022), likely being converted into urban areas. On the contrary, built-up area proportions increased significantly from 1989 to 2022 (starting at just 3.5% in 1989 and increasing steadily to 32.6% in 2022). Interestingly, the orchard area proportion remains small and relatively stable with minor fluctuations (4.5% in 1989, decreasing slightly to 3.1% in 2001, then increasing to 4.4% in 2022)

Satellite imagery analysis revealed a significant decline in wetland areas over the past 35 years, with about 34% of the total wetlands in EKW lost to urban development, infrastructure projects, and market-oriented farming activities. This loss of habitat threatens the ecological integrity of the wetlands and undermines the livelihoods of local communities that depend on these resources.[20]

The Dilemma of Pollution vs. Sustainable Use

Nitai Kundu, Mausami Paul, and Sharmistha Saha discussed the evolution of East Kolkata Wetlands as a waste Recycling Region in detail. Kolkata has had a drainage problem since its beginning. Initially, authorities discharged sewage into the river Hooghly. Since the drainage system was against the gradient, it could not clean the town and discharge the annual inundation. In 1857, Mr. William Clark devised a scheme for conveying sewage to the city's eastern side.

In 1891, the authorities extended the drainage system to the suburbs, redirecting the sewage to the southeast into the river Bidyadhari, then channelling it into the river Matla and finally discharging it into the Bay of Bengal. Due to tidal influxes, the scheme involved a complicated series of canals and lock gates. The system drained the city via the Beliaghata canal into the BidyadhariRiver, approximately 8 km east of Kolkata. The sewage was stored in reservoirs and released at low tide. Due to heavy silt, Bidyadhariwas gradually declared undrainable and dead. Later, authorities converted a large part of Salt Lake into a reservoir that received sewage from the urban area and drained the rainwater through the ebb tide of the Bidyadhari.

Sewage-fed fish farming emerged in the 1860s. The initial attempts were unsuccessful in this area; some informal aquafarming began, but Mr BidhuBhusan Sarkar undertook the first formal effort of sewage-fed aquafarming in 1918. Discharging sewage through the stormwater flow canal in the brackish aqua bodies reduced the salinity of the water. Gradually, carp culture started with regular sewage inflows in 1929. In this way, people gradually colonised freshwater fishing in these ponds.

Sewage-fed aquaculture was first commercially practised in 1929 and gained momentum. The unique feature of the EKW is sewage treatment through pisciculture. The wetlands are, in fact, waste stabilisation ponds (WSPs).

The slow-moving canal system functions as anaerobic and facultative ponds, while the fisheries are maturation ponds. The anaerobic character of the canals leads to unsightly and smelly canals within the city. The fish ponds, however, do not smell and have the characteristic green algae.

Researchers proved that Basic WSPs are very effective for removing BOD and pathogens, particularly in warm climates. Fish ponds further improve the treatment efficiency of WSPs by stirring sediments trapped in the pond floor and incorporating nutrients and carbon into their body mass.

The general removal mechanisms for BOD, nitrogen, and phosphorus are settling into the pond sediments, incorporation into algal biomass, incorporation into fish biomass, and Volatilization.

The Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) area generates roughly 910 million litres of sewage daily and more than 40000 metric Tons of garbage. The wastewater is led by underground sewers to the pumping stations in the city's eastern limit and then pumped into open channels. There are six terminal pumping stations in the KMC area, viz. Bagjola Pumping Station, Chowbaga Pumping Station, Topsia Pumping Station, Dhapa Lock Pumping Station, Ballygunj Pumping Station, and Palmer Bazaar Pumping Station.

 The responsibility of the Kolkata Municipal Corporation ends with reaching the wastewater to the outfall channels through these pumping stations. Thereafter, the sewage and wastewater are drawn into the fisheries of the East Kolkata Wetland by the owners of the fishing, where, within a few days of detention, biodegradation of the organic compounds of the sewage and wastewater takes place. The organic loading rate in these fish ponds varies between 20 and 70 kg. Per hectare per day (in the form of biochemical oxygen demand).

Networks of channels supply untreated sewage and drain out the spent water (effluent). The cumulative efficiency in reducing the sewage wastewater's B.0.D. (a measure of organic pollution) is above 80%, which lowers the coliform bacteria by 99.99% on average. The solar radiation here is about 250 langleys per day and is adequate for photosynthesis. The sewage-fed fishery ponds act as solar reactors—a dense population of plankton traps solar energy. Fish consumes plankton. While plankton plays a highly significant role in degrading the organic matter in the wastewater, it becomes a problem for pond management to tackle the phenomenon of plankton overgrowth. At this critical phase of the ecological process, the fish play an essential role by grazing on the plankton.

The two-fold role played by the fish is crucial—they maintain the proper balance of the plankton population in the pond and convert the available nutrients in the wastewater into a readily consumable form (viz., fish) for humans. The fish farmers of the East Kolkata Wetlands have adopted this complex ecological process and mastered these resource recovery activities, achieving fish growth and yield at a rate and production cost unmatched in any other freshwater fish ponds of this country.[21]

On the other hand, conventional technology options for the treatment of municipal sewage and wastewater are excessively capital intensive, operationally unreliable, and highly energy- expensive compared with the city of Kolkata, which gets its vast volumes of daily sewage treated at no expense and, in addition, gets a substantial daily supply of highly edible freshwater fish (an essential protein supplement in their daily food). Kolkata City receives about one-third of its daily fish requirement from sewage-fed fisheries (about 11,000 metric tons annually).

 As discussed earlier, Kolkata's population explosion in the last few decades led to rapid urbanisation. This urbanisation increased the flow of untreated sewage, solid waste, and pollutants into the wetlands. These pollutants degrade water quality and reduce the wetlands' capacity to act as a natural purifier for the city. Thus, the EKW is at risk of losing its essential ecological functions.

Pollution remains a critical threat to the East Kolkata Wetlands (EKW). According to the West Bengal Pollution Control Board, around 910 million litres of untreated sewage enter the wetlands daily, exceeding their natural purification capacity. This influx results in high concentrations of organic pollutants, nutrients, and heavy metals, severely degrading water quality and ecological health. Lead exhaust from increased motor traffic and toxic effluents from unmonitored small-scale industries further exacerbate pollution intensity.

Additionally, solid waste dumping exacerbates the pollution-related problems. The Dhapa landfill, located within the EKW, is a significant waste disposal site for Kolkata. Dhapa, spanning over 60 hectares, is vital to the city’s waste management system but significantly disrupts the wetland ecosystem.

While the EKW’s sewage-fed fisheries and agricultural fields exemplify natural waste recycling, the landfill undermines these processes. Receiving more than 4,000 metric tons of waste every day contributes to severe soil, air, and water contamination. In addition to ecological threats, landfills have been expanding due to increasing urban waste. Unregulated dumping and lack of adequate waste segregation contribute to the landfill's growth, which poses health hazards to nearby communities due to air pollution from spontaneous fires and methane emissions. Additionally, recent studies have documented alarming levels of plastic debris and other pollutants in water and sediment across the EKW. Rule 11 of The Solid Waste Management Rules, 2016, prohibits waste processing from degrading ecologically sensitive areas. Still, theever-increasing solid waste and hazardous substances conflict with the mandate of these rules, and the sustainability dilemma of EKW continues.

Kolkata Leather Complex, established at Karaidanga in 2005, adjoins EKW. It resulted from the Supreme Court's order inM.C. Mehta v the Union of India. It further contributes to the deterioration of the EKW by releasing untreated effluents containing Chromium and other carcinogenic elements. Section 24 of the Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974, prohibits the pollution of water bodies by any individual or establishment and empowers the State Pollution Control Board to act against polluters. In this context, the dilemma of pollution versus sustainable use is intense as the Government of West Bengal manages the Kolkata Leather Complex and controls the State Pollution Control Board.

The decline in water quality within the EKW has serious consequences for aquatic life. Research has highlighted that the accumulation of heavy metals in fish and other marine organisms presents a significant health hazard to local communities who depend on these species for their livelihoods. The presence of these pollutants reduces dissolved oxygen levels in the water, negatively affecting sensitive fish species and contributing to declining populations. Additionally, rapid urbanisation and unlawful construction within the wetland area have caused fragmentation of habitats, reduction in water body sizes, and alterations to natural water flow patterns. These changes disrupt critical breeding and feeding habitats for fish and other aquatic creatures, jeopardising their survival and defeating the objectives of the Bio-diversity Act of 2002, which promotes sustainable biodiversity conservation and regulates the use of bioresources.

The combined effects of pollution, habitat degradation, and human-induced disturbances have caused a marked reduction in biodiversity within the EKW. Once home to a diverse range of plant and animal species, the wetlands are now under significant ecological strain. As a result, the degradation of these habitats not only jeopardises the survival of native species but also erodes the essential environmental services that the wetlands provide, such as water filtration and flood control. This ongoing decline in habitat quality poses a critical threat to both the local wildlife and the overall ecological health of the EKW.[22]

Section 3 of the Environment Conservation Act 1986, the umbrella Act of environment protection in India, empowers the Central Government to protect environmentally sensitive areas. The state-specific East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Act 2006 defines permissible and bans harmful activities. The Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Rules, 2017, govern Wetlands explicitly and prohibit the discharge of untreated waste, solid waste dumping, and encroachments. Despite these laws and rules, the pollution of the East Kolkata Wetlands continues unabated, and sustainable use becomes questionable.

The Dilemma of Property Rights vs. Environmental Laws

The East Kolkata Wetlands (Conservation and Management) Act 2006 restricts land use even though the locals have property rights. Article 300 A protects the Right to Property but allows the Government to acquire land for public purposes. Even though the farmers and fishermen save the Government more than 500 crores of rupees because of their traditional sewage-cleaning technology, they do not get compensation from the Government.

The segmentation of aquacultural farms in the EKW due to increasing multiple ownership is a significant issue with various social, economic, and environmental implications. Aquaculture in the EKW operates through a unique system of Bheris (water bodies for aquaculture) managed by traditional fishers. Historically, these Bheris have been owned or managed by single or family-owned entities. Over time, however, there has been an increase in multiple ownerships due to inheritance, land sales, and complex socio-economic factors. Land fragmentation within Bheris is significantly influenced by inheritance, as land is divided among various heirs over successive generations, resulting in smaller and less manageable holdings. Informal land transactions and shared ownerships often emerge without proper legal documentation, creating disputes and further land divisions.

Additionally, the expansion of Kolkata exerts pressure on urbanisation, leading to encroachments, shifts in land use, and efforts to repurpose aquaculture farms for real estate development. Economic challenges, including the rising costs of maintaining these Bheris and diminishing profits from aquaculture, often compel families to sell or lease portions of their land. The fragmentation of aquacultural farms undermines effective management, as smaller and scattered holdings become less productive and incompatible with traditional aquaculture methods. Divisions among multiple owners erode the cohesive management systems required for sustainable practices, leading to the gradual loss of aquaculture knowledge and expertise that has historically relied on unified control. The absence of clear ownership records and the involvement of numerous stakeholders frequently result in disputes and legal challenges, further diminishing the efficiency of these systems. Most critically, the partitioning of ownership incentivises individuals to prioritise immediate economic benefits over the long-term conservation of these wetlands. This short-sighted approach not only hampers the ecological stability of the region but also threatens the sustainability of the EKW.[23]

The Dilemma of Jurisdictional Conflicts

The Board of the East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority consists of different line departments. Multiple agencies oversee different aspects, including the West Bengal Pollution Control Board, Kolkata Municipal Corporation, Fisheries Department and East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority. Overlapping jurisdictions lead to weak enforcement and legal ambiguities. West Bengal has many statutory authorities with well-defined functions and dedicated technical officers, unlike the East Kolkata Wetland Management Authority.

The Dilemma of Legal Enforcement vs. Ground Realities

Kolkata High Court and National Green Tribunal have passed multiple orders to conserve the East Kolkata Wetlands. The East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority protects the wetlands and enforces the Act, but it cannot effectively act because it is often understaffed, underfunded, and politically influenced. In 2016, the National Green Tribunal ordered the removal of illegal constructions in the wetlands. Still, the authorities could not take effective action due to opposition from locals and legal delays.

Sayantan Das studied land use changes in the East Kolkata Wetlands using satellite imagery, and his findings indicate a transition between significant land use types in EKW—farmland/fallow, water bodies, and built-up areas—across three periods: 1989-2001, 2001-2015, and 2015-2022. The conversion of farmland/fallow to water bodies declined significantly from 572 hectares in 1989-2001 to 365 hectares in 2015-2022. There is a drastic reduction in the area converted from water bodies back to farmland, dropping from 765 hectares in 1989-2001 to just 115 hectares by 2015-2022, which might indicate a reduced focus on reclaiming water bodies for agricultural use, possibly due to increasing awareness of the ecological importance of these water bodies. The transition from farmland to built-up areas has increased from 719 hectares to a peak of 928 hectares in 2001-2015 before decreasing to 507 hectares in 2015-2022. These amounts suggest a dynamic urbanisation process, possibly influenced by changing economic conditions and urban planning policies. The area converting from water bodies to built-up land rose from 472 hectares to 732 hectares but saw a decline to 192 hectares in 2015-2022. This shift may reflect a growing recognition of the need to protect water bodies amid urban expansion.

These data representations highlight significant land-use dynamics shifts, emphasising the interplay between agricultural land, water bodies, and urban development. If urbanisation continues unchecked, the wetlands could face irreversible damage, compromising the environment and the livelihoods of local communities relying on them for fishing, agriculture, and other sustainable uses.

Conclusion

Calcutta, the city which evolved on the edge of the delta area, has a low surface gradient, with a relatively high flood-safe levee on the banks of the Hooghly River and with swamps and spill basins on its eastern side. The city initially expanded to the north and also to the southwest. This pattern was replaced by south and southeast expansion in the 1930s despite poor drainage because of the proximity to the city centre. The massive migration influx after the Indian partition continued the city's growth in the south and southeastern direction. Eastern Metropolitan Bypass and other connecting roads improved the access to the area. This unintended growth in the south and southeast emerged as a significant threat to the East Kolkata Wetlands and the ecosystem of sewage-fed fisheries based on tropical climate, solar radiation and shallow water.[24] that evolved to care for Kolkata's refuse. The widely cited judgement of Public v State of West Bengal halted the State's reclamation of the East Kolkata Wetlands, which had already engulfed the salt lake. Since the State has led urbanisation in the salt lake, the landowners of the East Kolkata Wetlands aspiring for speculative growth in their area are justified. Any conservation effort that does not address sociological issues has a remote chance of success. The order of injunction in the public v state of West Bengal prohibiting the change in classification of land is bound to clash with the ground realities, especially when the State does not bother to compensate the inhabitants of the EKW for the scavenging role they play for the city. As Justice Umesh Chandra Banerjee said, 'the present day society has a responsibility towards posterity. The present-day Government should be more committed to solving the dilemmas of the East Kolkata Wetlands and balancing development and conservation.



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[2]Pragya Mehta and others, Conservation and Management of Ramsar Sites in India: Challenges and Solutions (file:///C:/Users/ASDSTBT/Downloads/PragyaMehta.pdf) accessed March 17th 2025

[3] East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority, 'East Kolkata Wetlands' (EKWMA) <https://ekwma.in/ek/> accessed March 17th 2025

[4] East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority, Annual Report (2022-23). (EKWMA, 2024) <https://ekwma.in/ek/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Annual-Report-2022-23.pdf> accessed March 17th 2025

[5] Ecology Education Institute, 'Policy and Constitution' <https://ecology.edu/policy&constitution.html> accessed March 17th 2025

[6] Kaushik Biswas, 'Legislative Provisions and Policy Support for Wetland Conservation in India' (2023) 8 South Asian Law & Economics Review 53 <https://thelawbrigade.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Kausik-Biswas-SALER.pdf> accessed March 17th 2025

[7] Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, 'Regulatory Framework for Wetlands in India' (Indian Wetlands) <https://indianwetlands.in/our-work/regulatory-framework/#:~:text=The%20Ministry%20of%20Environment%2C%20Forest,management%20of%20wetlands%20in%20India> accessed March 

[8] Kaushik Biswas, 'Legislative Provisions and Policy Support for Wetland Conservation in India' (2023) 8 South Asian Law & Economics Review 53 <https://thelawbrigade.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Kausik-Biswas-SALER.pdf> accessed March 17th 2025

[9] East Kolkata Wetlands Management Authority, Newsletter Volume 1 (EKWMA, 2015) <https://www.ekwma.in/ek/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/NewsletterVolume1.pdf> accessed March 17th 2025

[10]Centre for Development Policy and Practice, 'East Kolkata Wetlands: Analysing the Socio-Legal Protections in the Face of Rapid Urban Sprawl' (CDPP, 2023) <https://www.cdpp.co.in/articles/east-kolkata-wetlands-analysing-the-socio-legal-protections-in-the-face-of-rapid-urban-sprawl> accessed March 17th 2025

[11] ibid

[12] ibid

[13] Chandana Mitra, J Marshall Shepherd and Thomas R Jordan, 'Assessment and Dynamics of Urban Growth in the City of Kolkata' in Anjan Dutta and others (eds), Facets of Social Geography: International and Indian Perspectives (Cambridge University Press India 2012) 541 <https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289620851_Assessment_and_Dynamics_of_Urban_Growth_in_the_City_of_Kolkata> accessed March 17th 2025

[14] ibid

[15]Priya Sangameswaran, 'Land from Wetland: Nature and Development in the Frontiers of Kolkata, India' (2018) 52(3) Contributions to Indian Sociology 283

[16] Anuska Ray and Ritula Paul, 'Department of Geography' (2022) 3(1) BKGC Scholars 103

[17]Biraj Kanti Mondal, Suchitra Kumari, Arijit Ghosh and Prabuddh Kumar Mishra, 'Transformation and Risk Assessment of the East Kolkata Wetlands (India) Using Fuzzy MCDM Method and Geospatial Technology' (2022) Geography and Sustainability<https://www.sciencedirect.com/journal/geography-and-sustainability> accessed March 17th 2025

[18] Falguni Dey and Payel Das, 'Homeless Invisibles in Kolkata: An Urban Poverty Perspective' (December 2021-January 2022) Inclusive

[19] 'Right to Shelter as a Fundamental Right' (Jus Corpus, 2023) <https://www.juscorpus.com/right-to-shelter-as-a-fundamental-right/> accessed March 17th 2025

[20] Sayantan Das, 'The Transformation and Associated Ecological Problems of the East Kolkata Wetlands, West Bengal, India: Observations between 1989-2024' (ICERM-2024, IOP Publishing 2024)

[21]Nitai Kundu, Mausami Pal and Sharmistha Saha, 'East Kolkata Wetlands: A Resource Recovery System Through Productive Activities' in Proceedings of Taal 2007: The 12th World Lake Conference(2007) 868

[22] Sayantan Das, 'The Transformation and Associated Ecological Problems of the East Kolkata Wetlands, West Bengal, India: Observations between 1989-2024' (ICERM-2024, IOP Publishing 2024)

[23] ibid

[24] Jenia Mukherjee, Blue Infrastructures: Natural History, Political Ecology, and Urban Development in Kolkata (Springer Singapore 2020).


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https://www.ijllr.com/post/balancing-development-and-conservation-the-legal-dilemmas-of-the-east-kolkata-wetlands

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